On The Social Benefits
of Taxation II
Taxation has historically been considered to be a burden on
the productive capacity of an economy.
However, it is easy to show that taxation can increase the efficiency of
an economy by rendering inefficient producers unprofitable, and so eliminating them. What is eliminated from a particular market
by proper taxation are the most marginal producers, and the least avid
consumers. Under judicious taxation, as a result of this
increase in efficiency in the use of resources, the services of government can
largely be provided for for free. That
is, resources which would be applied in some inefficient productive process,
and so largely wasted, may be applied more efficiently in providing economically
useful government services. And many of the services provided by government, by
eliminating many of the costs of transaction and overhead that producers would
otherwise bear, also act to increase the efficiency of the private productive
economy.* Inadequate taxation, and the
necessary reduction in economically useful services purchased with these taxes,
far from increasing the competitiveness of an economy, decreases it, and
nations with an inadequate public sector are at a competitive disadvantage with
respect to foreign producers in countries with more robust public sectors.
Further, even with the light tax burden, the citizens of countries with small
public sectors are less provided for, and are a greater burden to the industry
of that country, than countries with a larger government service sector.
We show this in Diagram 1. Where the marginal benefits attained at higher cost are forgone, the resources which would have been spent to obtain those marginal benefits are instead available to be expended more efficiently in other sectors of the economy.
We show this in Diagram 1. Where the marginal benefits attained at higher cost are forgone, the resources which would have been spent to obtain those marginal benefits are instead available to be expended more efficiently in other sectors of the economy.
In the diagram, the tax wedge is the difference between the
price paid, P’, and the income received by the producer, P*. The total tax revenue, the pale green block in
each market defined by: Q’ x (P’ – P*) is the
welfare received by government. The
lower brighter green triangle is the producer surplus; the upper brighter green
triangle the consumer surplus. In each particular market, with the application
of a tax wedge the ratio of social welfare obtained to costs, that is resources
expended, increases from about two to one, roughly the ratio of the all the
greenish areas to all the pinkish areas in each market, to almost four to one,
the ratio of the solid green areas to the solid pink area. Although we have
drawn the diagram for two particular and identically composed markets, it is
apparent that for a wide variety of supply and demand diagrams, and thus for a
wide variety of economic sectors, the application of a tax wedge will result in
a large increase in economic efficiency. By implication, the opportunity costs
of the small amount of marginal benefits forgone are huge. Indeed, we may expect this improvement to be
even better than it initially appears, since we would expect the most marginal
producers to be those most eager to externalize much of their costs in order to remain
competitive. Pressure to externalize
costs is thus also reduced on the more efficient producers. The economic results
from failing to apply a tax wedge in a market are, apparently without
exception, far inferior
Historically, of course, this relatively small region of
forgone welfare has been labeled “deadweight loss,” the "Harperger Triangle," whose existence has been
considered a counter-argument to the efficiency and usefulness of taxation.
Indeed, the very pejorative “deadweight loss,” has been used by those ideologically
opposed to any government intervention in an economy as a justification for their
position. However, their argument, and the economics profession as a whole, has
totally over-looked the high opportunity costs involved in the creation of
these marginal benefits. Taking these
costs into consideration inverts the conclusion: The gain in freed resources, in almost any
reasonable scenario, totally outweighs any gain involved in wastefully spending
these resources for these relatively small benefits. Indeed, in the scale of economic activity, these resources are much more
wisely spent elsewhere. And the tax
wedge causes this to happen. Far from
being a burden, taxation in a market, and at what is traditionally considered a
rather high level of taxation, can yield much closer to optimal economic
results. .
I leave it to those ideologically opposed to government
intervention to find those exceptions. I do observe that the apparent
requirement for monotonicity in the supply and demand curves would seem to make
finding these exceptions difficult.
One interesting argument, though, which remains, is the
argument from liberty. This argument
would seem to suggest that the wanton destruction of scarce resources is,
somehow, ‘liberating.’ Indeed, we might almost define a wealthy individual as a person who has the power to inefficiently consume and waste and destroy large quantities of such resources. Indeed, the production of costly rich boy toys, of little to no benefit to the rest of society, can be considered a "Harberger Triangle" which could, and should, be taxed away. (Even the game Monopoly(TM) has a "Luxury Tax," though totally inadequate to the needs of its little society.)
The 'argument from liberty' would seem, for example, to be the argument against higher gasoline taxes in theUnited States . The case shown here
is that a higher gasoline tax, with money more efficiently spent on public
transit, would free up resources for everyone, as the European experience seems
to show. And in the US, the situation is even worse, since the production of oil and oil products is subsidized, and the price kept depressed. The reality is, however, that the production of real resources cannot be subsidized. While the notional price may be kept down, this can only be done by higher taxes on the real value of other economic necessities.
This is simple physics. And by the triangle inequality, such taxation of one necessity to subsidize the production of another has its own cost, and the net result is a reduction in the total real value of resources available to society. Society is the poorer as a result.
The 'argument from liberty' would seem, for example, to be the argument against higher gasoline taxes in the
This is simple physics. And by the triangle inequality, such taxation of one necessity to subsidize the production of another has its own cost, and the net result is a reduction in the total real value of resources available to society. Society is the poorer as a result.
There does remain the issue of determining the balance
between efficiency and quantity of production in any particular market required
for the proper functioning of an economy.
Considerations of scale indicate that, contrary to what is shown in the
diagrams, the first unit of anything is seldom the most efficiently
produced. Rather, there is an optimum
scale of production, that which minimizes the average cost, (This ignores issues
of demand.) and we must consider this to be true for an entire economy as well
as for a particular production process. While with this consideration the improvement
in economic efficiency would not be as great, it must still be expected to be
impressive.
Further, it should be easier to tax economic wants as
opposed to economic needs. (Although see
problem three, below.) A more efficient economy, however, needs less, and is
more capable of servicing wants.
“Deadweight loss” is
also found in other market situations.
It would seem that, at the least, these other situations also need to be
re-examined.
For example, the most marginal producers and the least avid
consumers in a particular market can also be eliminated when the costs of
production are increased by the costs of meeting a regulation. (It is cheaper just to make the cost of not doing nasty things marginally cheaper. The nasty thing tax will restrict supply of benefits by forcing the internalization of costs. We accepted the pollution of our wor(ld)k for the individual benefits they provided. But with great inequality, for most of society (>85%) the benefits of for the individual outweigh the costs to societ(ies)y (value to the individual) (benefits)These kinds of
regulation also can increase economic efficiency. Unlike the cost to the producer imposed by a
tax, however, the government does not directly recover the costs imposed by
such regulation. These costs are instead spent meeting the requirements of the
regulation. In Diagram 2, P* is the price retained by the
producer, which is the price P’ paid by the consumer,
minus the cost to the producer of meeting the regulation.
Instead of the tax wedge, we have the revenue in the area Q’
x (P’ – P*), revenue which with a tax wedge would be going to the
government, going instead to pay for meeting the regulation. The benefits are reaped by other sectors of
society. A regulation against pollution, for instance, benefits the consumers
of an otherwise contaminated resource.
As such, it essentially represents a rightward shift in the supply curve
for this resource. (Similarly, an
increase in pollution of a resource represents a leftward shift in the supply
curve of that resource.) This increase
in economic efficiency does provide compensation to the economy at large for
the cost of the regulation.
Further, the purpose of regulation is to attain some benefit
for the economy which cannot be captured in some unregulated market, and which
is presumably greater than the cost of the regulation. While one might hope, and expect, that the
benefit to society of the regulation would be at least equal to its cost, it
can be seen that, because of the increase in economic efficiency, society can gain
even when the direct benefits from the regulation are substantially lower than
its cost to the producer. (For the same
reason, although one can hope, and the government should of course try, to make
sure that the direct benefits to society of its expenditures are equal to the
costs, even when the direct benefits of government expenditure are below their
costs, there can still be a net gain to society, if these resources are not too
thoroughly wasted.) Certainly, in the
provisioning of an economy’s necessities, the inefficient application of scarce
resources may be necessary. However, even in these situations, alternative and
more efficient means of supply may be found.
Interestingly, however, applying a tax wedge, or imposing
regulation, or other forms of government intervention, such as price ceilings
or price floors, are not the only ways to increase economic efficiency. Monopolies also eliminate much inefficient
production of goods and services, as shown.
Monopolies produce at quantity QM,
(Diagram
3) the quantity where the increase in cost for producing another
unit equals the increase in revenue for selling another unit.
This quantity
maximizes their profit. (This is
different from a competitive market, where the sum of production of all firms
would be where the Marginal Cost, or the Supply curve, intersects the Demand
curve.) With monopoly, the striped areas are the costs (Red striped) and
benefits (Green striped) forgone by society. These resources which would
otherwise be consumed, these costs, may be more efficiently applied to other
sectors of the economy. The solid areas are costs borne (Red) and benefits
provided (the Greens) under monopoly.
The light green regions are monopoly profits which, since a monopoly is
a part of society, does count as an increase in social welfare. We may expect
something similar with monopsonies, and to a somewhat lesser extent, with
oligopolies, and oligopsonies. With oligopolies and oligopsonies, we would
expect a greater elimination of inefficient production when they are collusive,
and a less but a still significant degree of elimination when they are competitive.
With oligopolies, although some inefficient producers may be protected because
of the higher prices resulting from the reduced quantity produced, (See: anamecon.blogspot.com/2012/02/oligopoly-and-economy.html)
a reduced quantity is produced, and
those firms which remain in production limit their production to their most
efficient processes. The so called deadweight region of forgone costs and forgone
production lies between the kink in the demand curve, the equilibrium point for
oligopolistic producers, and what would be the competitive equilibrium which
would result from the production of many small firms.
To return to monopolies, the great majority of benefits accrue
to the owners of the monopoly, typically a small minority of the members of
society. The consumer benefits, on the
other hand, are much less, and much reduced from the competitive case. Indeed,
by comparing the tax wedge in a competitive market with the monopoly case, we
find the social welfare under monopolies is exactly the same as social welfare
under a government tax wedge, where the wedge is such that the marginal cost to
producers equals their marginal revenue.
The competitive case results in a more equitable distribution of
benefits between consumers and producers. Of course, consumer benefits per se
are also much less under taxation, the same as under monopoly, and the producer
surplus much less. However, the government spreads much of its income widely. It
is, in its way, both a consumer and a producer. It re-distributes consumption,
and capitalizes production, both directly, through capital investments, and
indirectly, through subsidy of production, and creation and maintenance of infrastructure.
And all of its expenditure, purported to be for the public benefit, does, one
way or another, enrich various sectors of the economy.
One problem with the tax wedge, however, because it favors
the more efficient producers, it also favors the economic drift toward
concentration of ownership, and the creation of oligopolies and eventually monopolies.
Narrowly held monopolies cannot be expected to spread their profits. Neither can monopolists be expected to spend
their profits to provide services which increase the efficiency of the larger
economy. Monopolies once formed, and
where not widely owned, further to aggravate the natural tendency of economies
to concentrate wealth and power, a concentration which leads to economic
instability and collapse. This is especially so because the power concentrated
in monopolies tends to translate into political power. And the monopolist must be expected to use
this power to further his power, mitigating the impact of the tax wedge on his
revenue.
A second problem is that producers which escape taxation
will eventually displace those producers which are subject to taxation. The
result will be a reduction in both taxes collected and in economic
efficiency. This problem must be
considered especially acute in open economies, where tax paying domestic
producers can be expected to be displaced by non-taxpaying (and hence often
less efficient) foreign producers. The
interesting implication here is that, while a nation’s economy may be producing
less and consuming more, as an increased share of what is consumed is imported,
(much of what is considered production actually either enables consumption, or
is a form of consumption,) that economy need not be any better off for this
increase in consumption. Because of the
decrease in economic efficiency, fewer consumables will be efficiently used,
and more of this consumption will be squandered.
A third problem is, of course, the politics of
taxation. Nobody likes to be taxed, and
the powerful, more than others, are capable of avoiding it. (This also bears on
the second problem.) This first suggests that the markets which serve the
wealthy will be the least efficient, even though these are the markets where an
economy can most easily bear the loss of marginal producers. (Marginal producers may be needed in the
production of an economy’s necessities.)
And this further suggests that a disproportionate share of an economy
will be dedicated to servicing the wealthy, even at the expenses of the
necessities of that economy, such as maintenance of infrastructure. A recent study has shown(1), for instance,
that in the United States today, no policies are enacted by the government
which are not also approved by the wealthy elite. An implication of this is that the tax burden
upon this elite can only be expected to diminish, and thus that the burden of
taxation on the rest of economy and the population can only increase.**
One final consideration.
As an economy increases in efficiency, it inherently becomes less
stable, and more vulnerable to collapse. An efficient economy becomes dependent
on its efficiency in order to be productive enough to sustain itself. The greater the efficiency, the greater its
dependence. A reduction in efficiency
will result in a reduction of production, perhaps sufficient enough that that
economy can no longer sustain itself.
A particular consideration regarding improvements in
efficiency brought about by regulation and the tax wedge, where these increases
in efficiency are already established, is that removing or even merely reducing
these factors will result in a reduction of that efficiency, and a resulting
reduction in the productive capacity of that economy. That economy may no longer be able to sustain
itself. With a critical reduction in production, cascades may result, and the
possibility of sectoral and even general collapse. Great care, therefore, should be exercised in
the reduction of the size of tax wedges, or the elimination of any regulation.
*Efficiency is a multiplicative factor in production, not an
additive one. Although unlike thermodynamic efficiency, economic efficiency may
be greater than 1, it is also subject to diminishing returns, at least where
matters of the production of real goods and services are concerned.
**This statement assumes that the wealthy are actually taxed
at all, which my studies indicate is not, in any real sense, the case. Taxation
of the wealthy is merely nominal. Real
taxation of the wealthy is only against their future consumption, a future
which, for almost all of the wealthy, is ever receding. However, a merely nominal rate of taxation is
not without real consequences for an economy.
(1)Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average
Citizens Martin Gilens and Benjamin I.
Page https://scholar.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/mgilens/files/gilens_and_page_2014_-testing_theories_of_american_politics.doc.pdf
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