A Third and a Fourth Reason Libertarian Societies Must Fail

A Third and Fourth Reason Libertarian Societies Must Fail

We previously presented two social problems libertarian societies are incapable of solving.  The first is the producer-consumer problem:  Without a compulsive mechanism to continually, or at least periodically, redistribute demand, that is, a government capable of effective taxation, the net consumers, (which is to say, those who actually allocate consumption,)  end up with all the money, and the producers end up decapitalized.  The second is the bully problem:  In the absence of a government, there is no mechanism to prevent the strong from victimizing the weak. 

A third reason is the necessity to regulate competition among the powerful.  The problem here is that, among the powerful, there are two incompatible expressions of self interest. 

Consider the rest of society as the common resource of the wealthy. Clearly it is in the collective interests of the wealthy to manage, maintain, and nurture society, since they are dependent on it.  However, it is in the individual interests of the wealthy to exploit society as much as they can, since any one who does not will be left with less, and weaker than the others.  The wealthy are thus in competition with each other to exploit society, and to the greatest of their ability.  It is the tragedy of the commons, where the commons is the entirety of society.

Now there are (many) cases of successful community regulation of shared resources.  But they are invariably local in scale, and associated with strong and close community relationships.

In the absence of close community, there are only two solutions.  One is to divide up the resources.  In terms of a country, this would be the fragmentation of that country into smaller ones, and the assumption of the government functions of each new country by a single individual. In this case, the libertarian society fails by fragmentation into a collection of independent autocracies. However, the force of competition between nations need not allow this as a solution at all, as resources may be consumed in a greater than sustainable rate in an arms race.  That is, the competition between the new, smaller, nations to build force will impose a higher rate of discounting the future. 

The other solution is to restrain and direct the self interested behavior of the wealthy by an overarching agency. That is, the institution of a government of sufficient strength to restrain the wealthy.  One of the necessary requirements of strength needed to accomplish this is an effective monopoly of force by the government.  So the third reason, then, that a libertarian society will fail, is that either it will tear itself apart, or it will acquire a government.

And this is already incompatible with the premises of Right Libertarianism.  However, even this government is not sufficient. The monopoly of force will merely prevent the competition between entities from itself degenerating into a balance of realized and potential violence.    The other required ability of the government is to force the internalization of costs.  The internalization of costs must be done in both space and time.  In particular, pollution must be eliminated, or at least paid for in real, compensatory, investment.  Also, all resources must be consumed at a sustainable rate. Since the consumption of non-renewable resources by definition cannot be sustained, they must be either recycled or, if they are of a nature where they cannot be recycled, dependence on them must be eliminated. Only with this requirement can society be assured that the benefits of production are greater than the costs. 

One note here. The greater the concentration of wealth, the greater the powers of government required to counterbalance it.

To put the point nicely: Right Libertarianism, except perhaps on the smallest scale, lacks the necessary organization to respond to the demands of its physical environment. This includes the demands made by other, more organized, societies.  This is the fourth reason libertarian societies will fail.  

Regarding organization, the body politic of Right Libertarianism might be regarded to most closely resemble that of a jellyfish, rather than any higher life form with some sort of functioning brain.  In consideration of that, the increasing rise of moneyed power, the concomitant reduction in government functionality as it increasingly becomes subject to control by the wealthy, the "Libertarianization" of our nation, are given additional perspective. 

A Second Reason Libertarian Societies must Fail

In the previous post, we argued that a mechanism for the redistribution of demand was required to maintain a society. In a libertarian society, there can be no such mechanism. In consequence, in a libertarian society the market for production is progressively destroyed, and with the market the entire economy.

There is also a more direct reason libertarian societies fail: Libertarian societies provide no adequate mechanism for protecting your neighbor from  the aggression of others.  There must be a mechanism, because without such a mechanism, there is inadequate motive for you, or anyone else, to help your neighbor resist the bully.

It is in the concentrated interest of the bully to oppress your neighbor.  The bully may profit greatly if he succeeds.  The benefits to the bully will be greater than the cost.  But you, and everyone else, only have a diffuse interest in helping your neighbor resist the bully.  The cost to you to help your neighbor is concentrated, and may be far greater than the benefit to you.  Further, if mutual aid is agreed to, but such protection is voluntary, it is in your interest, and the interest of others who might be expected to contribute, to contribute as little as possible to the protection of your neighbor. Which would likely be nothing.  This is an instance of the free rider problem: If anyone can ride for free, everyone will ride for free, because only a fool, (or a saint, perhaps,) would pay for what is offered for free.

So the consequence is that in the absence of government, and police, and regulation, the bully, the large organization, the wealthy, will dominate and oppress your neighbor, and after your neighbor, you. A government diffuses the cost for the protection of your neighbor across the whole society. In the libertarian state, some are more equal than others, and the more equal shall devour the liberties of the less equal, because the only thing to stop them is: principle.  That is, in libertarianism, the only mechanism to stop the powerful from effectively enslaving the weak is the moral disposition of those same powerful interests.

From the point of view of Widerquist's thesis, there is only the pronouncement of platitudes and the benevolence of the powerful to prevent the establishment of absolute monarchy by force of violence. There is no real reason for the prospective despot to wait on 'legitimate' means.  

The Evolution of Power and Society in Late Capitalism

Power is the ability to impose consequences, on the world, and on people. It is the ability to impose positive consequences, or negative consequences. Usually, these consist of rewards, for behavior pleasing to the powerful, or punishments, for behavior displeasing to the powerful. Of course, consequences may also be applied arbitrarily, but this wastes power. Power may also be applied inefficiently, which is also wasteful of power.  

In today’s world, the wealthy and many political leaders have the most power, and thus the ability to impose the most consequence.  The power of other institutions to influence the evolution of society and the economy has been significantly reduced.  While there are also other indicators of this, the reduced influence of these institutions can be seen in the combination of diminished material income, and increased dependency upon capital for such income as they retain. 

In a democracy, political leaders are expected to represent the will of people, and the interest of the people and the wealthy do not coincide. While both the wealthy and the people desire order and security, the wealthy and the people are always in competition for wealth and power. Since the people are dispersed, and the difference between what they have and what they need is less, unless they unite in will and action, they are at a decisive disadvantage to wealth.  The most important and unified instrument of the will and action of the people is their government.  Where the government is the strongest and most coherent agent of the wealth and power of the people, the wealthy will always seek to overcome, corrupt and capture it, that they may use it to help gather the wealth and power of the people to themselves.  On the other hand, seldom does an established government seek to take the wealth and power of the wealthy from them, since these tend to be regarded by the government and the people as legitimately acquired, and generally supposed to be applied to the benefit of the people.   

The wealthy are not monolithic.  However, they all share the same desire to enhance their own personal wealth.  While some are less principled in seeking and achieving this goal than others, none is so principled as to willingly give any substantial portion of his wealth and income to the people.  And so, few can afford to allow the unprincipled behavior of other wealthy to go without answer. Where some of wealthy still act as a check of the unprincipled behavior of other wealthy, the efforts of the wealthy to seize control of the government may be mitigated.  However, where the rewards for unprincipled behavior become substantially greater than the rewards for more responsible behavior, the ability and inclination of those wealthy who might be regarded as responsible, must be expected to decrease.   The pressure on the government to first pass laws and adopt policies allowing for its corruption, and then laws which further its corruption, thus increases, along with the degree of control of the government by the wealthy.  Efforts to oppose this process by interest groups from among the people are also increasingly repressed.     It should be noted that the effective transfer of control of government is an enormous transfer of wealth and power from the people to the wealthy, a transfer which usually goes unremarked. 

 As wealth becomes concentrated, and its influence on politics increases, the political leaders lose effective power, however, and become mere agents of the wealthy in the application of their power.  As this happens, political leaders, through the government, increasingly impose the will of the wealthy upon the people, whose interests they, and the government no longer represent.  Interestingly, even those interests the people once had in common with the wealthy, order and security, no longer completely serve the people, since they now also serve to enable the oppression of the people by the wealthy.  Once their government is captive of the wealthy, so long as the people are orderly and seek security, the wealthy and their captive government, through commerce and law, will strip the people of their property and rights. In this respect, an important instrument of positive power becomes degraded, as the people increasingly perceive their desires for order and security to be in, the net, harmful to themselves. 

In theory, of course, in a democracy, political leaders never ‘had power,’ as they were expected to be agents of the people, in transmitting and executing their will. However, the ability of the people to control these agents, that is the power of the people over them, was always limited.  The people were always limited in how and how much they could reward their representatives.  While they could offer rewards besides the material, those material rewards they could offer were in principle limited. Further, the perceived value of these non-material rewards were always under attack by the wealthy. And in general the people could only punish their representatives by not re-electing them to their office. The people were also limited in their ability to acquire information about many of the actions of their representatives.   For these reasons, and also because there were often a variety of ways to accomplish goals, political leaders always possessed a certain amount of discretion.  That is, a certain amount of their power actually originated from their own office.  Where, however, they are ‘elected’ by the wealthy, the wealthy have much more control over them, being able to both reward and punish them more, and also being more informed as to their actions, so most of this discretion is absent. (Because the wealthy are able supply greater reward, the expectation of that reward is higher.  Thus the punishment associated with the withdrawal of that reward would be greater.) Because of this, an ‘elected’ government can be expected to become a more effective agent of the wealthy than it ever was of the people.  Since the rewards to politicians change, we would expect the people who choose to become politicians to change, also.  We would expect them to become more self interested, and less public spirited.  We would also expect them to become more authoritarian and dogmatic, and less authoritative and pragmatic.  We would also expect them to be more sectarian and divisive, and less inclusive and unifying. 

We would expect them to identify with and seek to emulate their wealthy patrons, and devalue the rest of the population, especially the poor and other groups whose interests diverge from those of their patrons. Indeed, we would expect many to become wealthy themselves. However, so far as they must maintain the appearance of serving the interests of the people, they may be expected to engage in tactics which enable this.  Since their actions no longer serve the people, but favor the wealthy, those actions must be hidden from the people and obscured.  The people must be misled, and distracted by other activities which are irrelevant to the projects of the wealthy.  In particular the wealthy are indifferent to the divisions of the people, Yet, because these divisions are a powerful distraction to the people, the wealthy are prepared to exploit and aggravate them.

In this they are aided so far as the wealthy control the media. The media serves its owners. As society is segmented, so too is the media. Through the media the attention of the people is channeled, directed, and to a large extent, molded. The real actions of the wealthy and their servants in government, and the consequences of those actions, are downplayed or even ignored.  The importance of events which distract the people is exaggerated and those events dwelt upon. The information provided by the media increasingly diverges from reality, and action based on that divergence becomes counterproductive.  However, the information provided by the media is also what the wealthy wants the people to hear.   The wealthy are aware of this process.  It is circular,  and insofar as it progresses, it is perceived by the wealthy, and at some level at to some extent perceived by the people themselves, to render the people unfit for self-government, and requiring outside control of their activities.  It is this self-perception which renders the police state increasingly palatable to the people.  It is, however, not because they see themselves as requiring greater external restraint, but because they see their neighbors as requiring greater external restraint.  This heightened level of fear also increases the motivation in the individual to arm himself.      

Different segments of society become aware of the unresponsiveness and even the oppressive nature of their government at different times. Those people long at the bottom of the economic ladder do not notice, since they are most disadvantaged in any society. However, as society is plundered, each level of society plunders the levels below it.  Awareness thus tends to progress up the economic scale, but may be uneven, depending on the institutional  and economic relationships between the levels.  This awareness erodes the belief in the legitimacy of the government by the people.

So wealth, or capital, has power so far as it is able to impose both positive and negative consequences on labor and consumers. It gives rewards to labor through increases in wages and grants of authority, and punishes labor by discharging it, or laying it off.  (Of course, capital does not always interpret its own actions this way.)     However, as society becomes increasingly unequal, the ability of the wealthy to impose positive consequences decreases,  This because the rewards to labor that the wealthy bestow come from the income consumers spend on goods and services, and this income is decreasing as the wealthy increase their share of both that income and the wealth that comes from accumulating it. Indeed, this quantity can only decrease, unless compensated for by a greater rate of growth, or transfer of income from the wealthy to the worker.  This transfer, however, is contrary to the goal of the wealthy, which is an ever increasing stream of income to themselves. 

The reward the wealthy offer to labor of accumulated wealth is decreasing, and the income from that wealth also.  And, in its reduction of everything to material worth, the intrinsic value of labor, of work for works sake, is also devalued.  The wealthy see actual work as degrading, and this is eventually understood by labor; that laborers are regarded as fools, a vision that is reinforced by the abstract forms that work takes among the wealthy, and the disproportionate rewards the give to themselves and each other for such work as they do perform.

This means the wealthy must increasingly rely on negative consequences to exert their power. In particular, they must increasingly use force to contain and restrain the activities of labor.  Further, these negative consequences must continually escalate, to compensate for the negative consequences of the diminishing reward schedule given labor. 

It is intrinsic to capital and the wealthy that they devalue the other rewards that a society has to offer its members, since this relatively enhances the value of the rewards they offer society, and so enhances their power. They do this through their control of the media, through their control of government, and directly by how they invest their capital. (And of course, they also spend resources exaggerating the value of the rewards, and diminishing the apparent costs of those rewards, that they offer.)  It is necessarily part of their strategy to corrupt and co-opt the social, intellectual, and spiritual institutions that otherwise would provide these rewards, and which otherwise might provide a countervailing authority to their exercise of power.  Doing so, they necessarily corrupt and devalue the rewards that these institutions themselves provide.  But this process is part and parcel of capital’s decapitalization and plundering of society.  All institutions require both wealth and income to sustain themselves.  Where the wealth and income of these institutions can remain independent of capital, they can remain an independent and countervailing force.  Therefore, capital seeks to both erode and co-opt the sources of wealth and income that support these institutions.  Once the sources of wealth and income of these opposing institutions are co-opted, they may be withdrawn, and the institutions destroyed. Institutions that are dependent on income from the government, thus become vulnerable when the wealthy gain effective control of that government.  Indeed, it is evidence of capital’s control of government that they are able to do this.  And even where these institutions are not destroyed, they will be rendered compliant to the interests of capital, since the only other source of income is increasingly capital itself. 

 Further evidence of the control of the government by capital is that the government is set to tasks which, while beneficial to the wealthy, are either of no benefit to the people, or damaging to the wealth and income of the people.  Further, tasks which might be beneficial to the people are attacked and diminished, especially if they cost the wealthy income.    Most importantly, while war may be beneficial to the people, despite its costs to the people, and on occasion also be necessary, war need not be either of these.  However, whether or not war is either beneficial to the people or necessary, it is always a great source of profit to the wealthy.  When war is fought for profit, however, its goal is not victory, but perpetuation, and the maximization of that profit.  Since without victory, there can be no profit from the capture of foreign resources, all profit must be taken from the people.  What also must be taken from the people is the stream of resources from which that profit is derived.  These resources could otherwise be spent to the benefit of the people, and instead are effectively destroyed.  

So, the question arises, why hasn’t capital captured the government before now?

The first reason is the fact that the activities of government are, of themselves, not particularly profitable.  This is because, ordinarily, the discount rate for government investment is much lower than that of private capital.  One could say that, ideally, and in the limit, government is in the business of the preservation of resources, and the discount rate goes to zero.  Thus, a government responsive to the needs of its society will maintain its infrastructure.  When government is captured by capital, however, the discount rate goes up, public assets are sold at a discount, and infrastructure is allowed to decay. (The discount rate goes up because capital is effectively taking its profits from government in reduced taxation.) The second reason is that it is often much more difficult for a private entity to capture the return on these kinds of investments, than it is for the larger society.  (For these reasons together, education tends to be relegated to the public sphere.)

So taken together, these reasons imply that ordinarily capital will seek greater profits elsewhere.  And as long as it can do so, that is where its efforts will lie.  And as long as it has access to an expanding base of resources, capital will remain dispersed. That is, as long as access to resources expanded faster than the profit rate, capital would remain dispersed. But in recent times, this has ceased to happen, and return to real capital has declined.

However, the acquisition of resources and their modification and distribution throughout society, the provisioning of society, is merely an instrument to capital’s actual goal of acquiring a society’s wealth through ever greater monetary profits. Where greater profit can be obtained through manipulation of an economy, rather than providing for it, this is where capital will next turn.  Since this is process is essentially the wealthy transferring assets from the people to themselves without any substantial compensation, it can be expected to be resisted by the government. Thus, the government must be captured by the wealthy before it can be done efficiently.

  And the final reason that we haven't previously observed capital to capture the government is that one of the most important activities of government is to counterbalance the accumulation and concentration of profit in society. The government must distribute final demand throughout the economy, in order to sustain the people and their institutions.  When government ceases to do this, the ability of the people and their institutions to sustain themselves collapses. So the final reason is that no society long survives the capture of its government by the wealthy. 

The Economic Consequences of Self-Interested Capitalism

We like to think of capitalism as an economic system different in kind, and not just degree.  It does seem to be the most efficient system to exploit its environment ever designed.  And we can conclude this because capitalism has driven its less efficient competitors out of business.

But what is capitalism’s environment?  Capitalism’s environment is two fold:  First is the physical environment.  Capitalism’s original reason was to more efficiently, and at greater scale, harvest and exploit the resources society needed from the physical environment, and provide them to society, and in a greater abundance and at a lower cost than ever before.  And this it did.

But the rest of capitalism’s environment is that same society and economy for which it provided, and still provides, and processes, resources.  However, it is becoming more difficult to extract resources from nature, and produce real goods for society.  The costs are higher.  The increase in costs is greater than the increase in society’s ability to pay, with its current infrastructure.  This means it is increasingly more difficult to extract profits.

But clearly, the capitalist will seek to go to where the profit is greatest.  When the profit is greatest exploiting the environment, by providing things society needs or wants, that is where the capitalist will go

.  

But if the capitalist can gain a greater profit, the capitalist can be expected to do what is necessary to do so, if society is not effective in preventing him from doing this. For instance, if the capitalist can effectively reduce his costs by damaging the rest of society, he must be expected to do so.  Under these circumstances, we must expect him to damage society, because the sole duty of the capitalist is to enhance and maximize his own profits.  (We address Milton Freidman’s discussion of this for corporations at: http://anamecon.blogspot.com/2012/06/milton-friedman-social-responsibility.html

 The human motivating force for capitalism is not so often discussed:  It is acting according to a narrowly defined self-interest, one that excludes the interests of any larger society.)   The first is by externalizing some of the cost of producing real benefits, real goods or services, to society. For instance, one way is by discharging pollution from the production of goods or services into the environment, and not cleaning up this pollution for society, or compensating society for the damage this pollution inflicts upon it.  Also, the capitalist may manipulate government to subsidize his production, so more is produced at greater cost and at greater profit to him than is beneficial to society. The capitalist, should either opportunity arise, must also be expected to enhance his profits through monopoly or monopsony, at the expense of the larger society.

When, however, the profit is greatest exploiting society directly, that is what the capitalist can be expected to do.  Since in the process of exploiting society directly, nothing is actually produced, these methods are all aimed at manipulating demand, with the goal of maximizing one’s own share of demand, and minimizing the share of others. 

Obviously the activity of thieves does not benefit society.  They transfer demand from others, others who are often productive individuals, to themselves, who are not productive individuals, and often to the extent of damaging the productivity of the individuals they steal from.  Where theft is made legal, as through allowing and even encouraging manipulative finance, it must be expected to proceed and grow apace. Consider the selling of credit default swaps, capital appreciation bonds to municipalities, leveraged buy-outs, and other malfeasances of Wall Street and the banking sector.

Resources are expended in this process, and indeed destroyed.  This is a consequence of the nature of debt, which can only, in real terms, be repaid by productive individuals and companies.  It is thus, in the net, the laying of debt on the productive sectors of an economy.  This hampers them, reduces their profitability, and discourages investment in them, and in consequence encouraging ‘investment,’ that is the transferring of demand, to the non-productive sectors of the economy.

Clearly, this process is destructive of the economy.  As real production is increasingly replaced by fictitious ‘production,’ we should expect the economy to be less and less capable of maintaining itself.  This would first be compensated for by importing increasing quantities of goods and material factors of production.  However, we should expect increasing poverty, decreasing investment in the real economy and infrastructure, decreasing market for real production, and eventual economic collapse.

Tax the Rich More

The idea of cutting taxes on the rich, so they will have more money, so they will ‘create jobs’ and hire more people, is nonsense.  Why would they hire more people, to make money, when they already get the money with the tax cuts? And why would they hire anybody, if the people have no money, and are already in debt?  If the people have no money, they can’t buy anything. (O, sure, they could go deeper in debt.)  So the rich can’t sell the people anything, so there is no reason to hire anyone to sell them anything, nor is there any reason to hire anyone to make anything to sell.

What can you rely on the rich to do?  You can rely on the rich to try and take money from other people. 

So the way to get the rich to hire someone is to get the money to the people.  Then the rich will hire that someone to take that money from the people.  The rich will hire someone to make things, and others sell those things to the people, to get their money.

But getting money to the people is inflationary, you say.  Well, take the money from the rich in the first place.  Tax the rich. Tax the rich more.  

Letting the rich have all the wealth is not in anyone's interest, not even the interests of the rich themselves. With the rich having all the wealth, the interests of the people and the rich diverge.  No longer is the promise of advancement plausible to the people.  No longer do the people see the benefits to contributing to a society which has taken everything they had, and left them effective slaves. Only compulsion will continue to secure their grudging labor, and this will not be enough to sustain the commonwealth, which is itself the foundation of all private wealth.  And without its foundation, private wealth will dissolve. 

The rich have more power when they are less wealthy, for then their society is richer, and more powerful, and they can protect, and project, their interests into the world more fully.

Government and the Fallacy of Composition

A successful society perpetuates itself.  It first of all must balance its internal functions. Since a society is made up of people, this means it must balance the interests of its members. Second it must be able to unify and make coherent its collective action.  It must act effectively in its environment, both to secure resources for itself, and to act against threats to itself. 

Every successful society has a government.  This implies that governments are necessary for successful societies.  What functions do governments fulfill, and which are necessary? The Constitution of the United States, the founding document of its government, lists several functions in its preamble:” …to form a more prefect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.”  (And we already come up against a defect in the Constitution in the preamble: the only coherent purpose it authorizes for society in its environment is for the common defense. There is no explicit purpose expressed for taking coherent action to secure resources, or assure an economic future, although this might be inferred from ‘promote the general welfare.’)

As may be, for a society to perpetuate itself, its government must act against the forces, both internal and external to that society, which will debilitate and cripple that society. 

One of the most important sources of internal socially disruptive forces is a result of the fallacy of composition:  When one person may do a thing it may be good for himself, but when many, or all, do it, the result is bad for society, that is, bad for all individuals.  Therefore one of the most important functions of government is the prevention, or if prevention is impossible, the countering, of situations where the failure of composition pertains. 

These are many.  And of these many fall under the general category of externalization of costs.  Pollution, for instance, is externalizing the cost of producing a good or service.  Costs are also externalized when a company pays less than subsistence, forcing its employees to go elsewhere, often to charity of governmental assistance, to supplement their earnings.  These can be phrased in terms of a tragedy of a commons:  Pollution consuming the commons of the air we breath and the water we drink.  Low pay to workers is abusing the market.  Clearly, each company can make more profit by paying its workers less.  But if all companies pay their workers less, all companies will make less money,   Just as clearly, if all companies pay their workers more, the workers will have more to spend, and all companies will make more money. 

Another is the ‘Paradox of Thrift,’ brought to the attention of economists by John Maynard Keynes.  If one person saves, he may be better off, but if all people save, there is a shortage of spending, the economy contracts, people become unemployed, and in general, everyone is worse off.   The government can counteract this by lowering interest rates, increasing inflation, or increasing its own spending, either by deficit spending or increasing tax and spend. 

Consider the fact that Americans work harder than people in any other developed country, yet our society is the most unequal among them.  Cynics have the people believing that by working harder, they can each of them get ahead.  But it is like a race:  Even if everybody runs faster, still only a few will get the prizes.  Even if everybody works harder, still only a few will advance.  The efforts of workers are increasingly devalued.  This is becoming increasingly obvious as growth stagnates, and increases in income and wealth are becoming more and more concentrated among the few percentages at the top.  See my last post. But the top percentages promote this myth, because all the benefits of all that harder work, all that greater productivity, by the workers, accrue to the wealthy.

So this is a failure of government. The government is already failing in its purpose to promote the general welfare, promoting instead the welfare of a few at the expense of the many, and by allowing increasing segments of population to become indentured by debt to a few, failing to secure the blessings of liberty for them.  Indeed, as the government increasingly becomes a creature of the wealthy, its failures may be expected to increase, as it becomes less and less capable of defending against fallacies of composition.  Already economic crimes among the wealthy, taking from society, from the commonwealth, without return, go unpunished. As regulations are weakened, as more and more costs or production are externalized, as the unfettered free market succumbs to the tragedy of the commons, not just the worker, but the wealthy, will be the poorer. 

The commonwealth is also the wealth of the wealthy.  They already control it, but in the obsession of each to ‘own’ an ever greater share of  it, they will destroy the world, and the wealth of us all.

Trade Agreements, Trans-national Corporations and the Sovereignty of Nations

We have shown the problems with unbalanced trade.  Now we deal with the 'investor-state

system,' whereby trans-national corporations- ‘investors,’ are, by international trade agreements such as NAFTA,  given rights which transcend those of the nations in which they operate.

See:http://www.citizen.org/Page.aspx?pid=5329

We note a positive reaction to the abuses of the investor state system:

“12 Latin American governments have gathered to create a common response to an increasingly common menace: investor-state suits, in which foreign corporations are dragging sovereign governments to extrajudicial courts to demand taxpayer compensation for health, environmental, and other public interest policies.”   http://citizen.typepad.com/eyesontrade/2013/05/last-week-13-latin-american-governments-gathered-in-guayaquil-ecuador-to-hatch-a-common-response-to-an-increasingly-common-m.html

The fact is, corporations are obligated to drag sovereign governments before these tribunals. 

Indeed,  if allowed, trans-national corporations are obligated to act contrary to the interests of any and every nation, to pollute and trample sovereignty, to exploit workers and violate public well being as long as it increases profits. According to Milton Friedman: “...there is one and only one social responsibility of business–to use it(s) resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profits so long as it stays within the rules of the game, which is to say, engages in open and free competition without deception or fraud.” http://anamecon.blogspot.com/2012/06/milton-friedman-social-responsibility.html

Simply, they have no social responsibilities to any society. The caveat, ‘stays within the rules of the game, engages in open and free competition without deception of fraud,’ is nonsense, a fob for fools.  It is cast aside by corporations at the first opportunity to manipulate competition and the system, and deceive.   Corporations must, in fact, do these things,  in order to compete with other corporations, which are intent on doing the same thing.

And it is a duty of government, and the people, to oppose this manipulation, and to regulate, and  to prevent this from happening.

Transnational corporations *cannot* be citizens of any nation.  They cannot be expected to act in good faith, if by acting in bad faith, if by manipulation of law and system, they can secure greater profits.  Corporations are predators, and the citizens and governments of all nations are their prey.  Governments of all nations must beware, if they are to secure be blessings of liberty and prosperity for their citizens.

And when transnational corporations make the ‘rules of the game,’ when their lawyers sit in judgment, all bets are off:  Anything goes. But you may be sure it will cost you. 

The Poor Help Prop up the Middle Class

Push up economics:  Many conservative middle class voters are resentful of the poor, thinking them shiftless and lazy, paying no taxes and often instead collecting unjustified income from the government.  71 percent of Republicans, for instance, in a recent poll, said “they believed the poor should not be exempt from income taxes.”   Well, the poor are not ‘exempt.’   They just don’t make enough income to make it to the positive tax rate.  Do any of the middle class want to trade places with the poor?

The middle class should be grateful to the poor, and the labor they provide.  The poor often work hard, for mean wages, making a significant contribution to middle class welfare.   Also, as consumers, the poor purchase an important portion of the production of the middle class, and help keep the members of the middle class in business and employed.  Many middle class businesses, and their employees, owe their profit margins, and continuing business, to the purchases of the poor. The poor represent at least 15% of the population, and even if their purchasing power is much less, it is enough to make a difference.  And they provide other opportunities for middle class income and activity.  By cutting off supports to the poor, or by raising taxes on the poor, the middle class will do themselves no favor.  Indeed, instead, by providing more opportunity to the poor, by improving their welfare, the middle class will improve their own situation.

More money comes up to the middle class from the poor, than comes down to them from the wealthy.  Indeed, the wealthy take their profit from the middle class.

For a nice summary of some of the functions poverty and the poor serve for the rest of society,  and in particular the middle class, see Herbert J Gans:  “The Uses of Poverty: The Poor Pay All.”: http://www.sociology.org.uk/as4p3.pdf

Needs of Society

Society has its needs. Indeed, a society must meet these needs, before it can do things like protect itself and its members. In a viable society, its institutions must each produce more that they cost society. That is they each must produce more than they consume.

If the worker costs more than the value of what he produces, there is no point for the capitalist to hire him. Only if he is worth more to the capitalist than his cost, is it worth the capitalist employing him. It can be said that a worker must produce more than he consumes.

Just as the capitalist must take his profit from the worker, so must society take its profit from the capitalist. Only when the capitalist allows society to take its profit from him, is it worthwhile for the society to have him around. That is the capitalist entity must produce more than it consumes.

The capitalist may do this two ways. He may pay his employees enough that they can contribute to the tax base, that is, that society may take its profits off the employees, or he may allow society to take the taxes directly out of his own profits.

Society must take these profits, since otherwise it will fail. One way society does this is to have a strong enough government to take its profit from its producers. That is the government must be able to collect enough in taxes to sustain itself. If its government fails to do this, that society will fail.

Now one can say that since what a capitalist does is make and build, taxes, and a government, are unnecessary. But what is necessary is the commons, those goods and services which government secures, and often provides. The common welfare, the common capital, is what taxes support. A wealthy society seems to need a large commons, and seems to need a large and strong government to maintain it.

We think we have a strong government. It is not. It is weak. It cannot collect enough in taxes to support itself, and maintain the services and infrastructure(capital) it provides. It cannot convince its people, or its wealthy, that they should pay their taxes. It must borrow, a sign of weakness. Also, it is corrupt. It is captive to many special interests. This is a sign of weakness. It wastes its resources on things that are not needed, that may of themselves be wasteful. And it fails to do needed things. It fails to protect and preserve its commons. It fails to preserve and protect its tax base.

The people borrow to purchase things from foreign countries, things the producers of the country do not make for its people. Society cannot produce enough to exchange for the goods and services it imports. Also a sign of weakness, and of either sloth or misapplied effort.

There are those who do not want a strong government, or at least do not want to pay for one. They think that they will be able to wage war with a weak government. They think they will be able to defend their country with a weak government. They think they will be able to defend their industry with a weak government. They think they will be able to secure and maintain their wealth with a weak government, and a small commons.

They of course do not think of it these terms They merely resent the fact that society must take its profit from them, and therefore they take steps to avoid this. They try to minimize the amount they pay labor, so the government cannot collect sufficient tax from labor to maintain itself, and having corrupted the government, they manipulate the system so that they do not have to pay the necessary taxes out of their own profits. Since these taxes are both inevitable and essential to the maintenance of any society, and a fair amount of taxes for a modern society, they work the destruction of their own society.

From the point of view of society, of course, those who demand more than they contribute, and at no matter what scale, who refuse to let society take its profit off of themselves, are worse than useless.

This is all according to the principle that it is better to produce than consume. A society whose members produce and give to society more than they consume will become unimaginably wealthy, while a society whose members consume more than they produce will consume its capital, and become poor.

The wealthy set the pace. They lead both by deed and example. A society whose wealthy elevate consumption over production, who refuse to let society take its profit off of them and instead insist of taking their profits off of society, is not viable, and will destroy itself. It will consume its capital and become poor, its institutions collapsing.

Leaders are leaders not because of what they take, but because of what they give.

On Rights

These truths are self-evident:

All rights are the creation of men. It is the desire of men to have rights, which creates rights. Rights derive from the relations between men, and the resources available to men. Men give rights, so that they may have them. They are property, which each man possesses to one degree or another. Rights have value. The value of a right is not its formality, but its effect. Each man values each right, to one degree or another, according to its effect on his life.

All rights are by the consent of others. Since the consent of others is always contingent, no right can be absolute or inalienable.

Each society has available to it, even where it extracts rights from other societies, only so many rights to distribute among its members. A society with more resources has the potential for more rights. It may have less.

Each right that a person has is a limitation on the rights of others. Each right is a burden on others.

Rights incur responsibilities. The failure to meet those responsibilities is a cause tor the alienation of those rights. The first responsibility is the granting of rights to others. The second responsibility is their enforcement. The third responsibility is mercy. Since the responsibility of rights represents a burden, the fourth responsibility is the minimization of that burden, given the maximization of those rights, given the resources available. The fifth responsibility is the education to those rights, and their responsibilities, and their burden.

The people of a society grant rights for their own benefit. Rights are granted where the effective benefit of those rights is greater than the real burden of the responsibilities. Where the people benefit less than the burden, those rights will be discarded.

The people of a society develop institutions for securing their rights. These institutions formalize the granting of rights, and their enforcement. These institutions are themselves granted rights, to the benefit of and at the expense of the people. Such institutions necessarily also increase the rights of a few. To such degree as they use force, or are inefficient, they reduce the rights available to the people and increase the burden of those rights.

In a society, there is a natural distribution of rights, which depends on the resources available to that society, demanding the least force and incurring the least inefficiency, which maximizes the value of rights available to the people. The institutions chosen by the people need not guarantee that distribution, and indeed may be chosen to impose distributions of rights different from this natural distribution. The additional expense, the loss of rights to a society, will be more than proportional to the deviation from the natural distribution.

So by consent, the members of a society may make certain rights universal, and held in equal quantity by all, and inalienable except for failure to meet the incurred responsibilities. These certain rights then represent a form of property which cannot be bought or sold. A society may consent to this, at the expense of other rights, that the few more fortunate of more able, shall not otherwise acquire those certain rights of the many less fortunate or less able.

And by consent a society may make certain rights held by a few, who incur greater responsibilities. It may assign these rights, and those responsibilities, to the few, in
various manners. These certain rights then represent a form of property, which may also be bought and sold. A society may consent to this, at the expense of other rights, if the many choose to not effectively exercise themselves those responsibilities these rights incur.

Properties are rights, and by the consent of others. Therefore, no property is absolute or inalienable. Others consent to properties, so that they may also have properties. Those who consent to have less, do so in the expectation that they may attain more, either in the present, or in the future. Since properties are rights, those with more properties have more rights than those who have fewer. Those with more properties also impose greater burdens on their society, and incur greater responsibilities. Since there is a natural distribution, those with more properties may impose a disproportionately large burden of their society, and incur disproportionately greater responsibilities.

There will always be those with many rights. There will always be those with few. When those with few are many, and those with many few, a society is poor.

Where many rights are narrowly held, where the many have few, either the few exercise their responsibilities, and impose the lesser burden on society, or they impose the greater burden of society, and the consent of the many is obtained and maintained through fraud and excess force. The many may either shake off their burden, or succumb to it. The resources taken to enforce fraud and excess force take away from the rights available to society.

That distribution of rights which maximizes the value of rights, and minimizes fraud and force, is most just, and most merciful.

Subject to revision.